We’re pleased to crosspost an excerpt of this book review by our board member Rick Sterling that was first featured on AntiWar.com
Black Ops / Life of a CIA Shadow Warrior: The Memoirs of Enrique Prado (St. Martins Press, New York, 2022)
In 1975, Philip Agee published his book Inside the Company: CIA Diary. In the introduction he wrote,“When I joined the CIA, I believed in the need for its existence. After twelve years with the agency I finally understood how much suffering it was causing, that millions of people all over the world had been killed or had their lives destroyed by the CIA and the institutions it supports. I couldn’t sit by and do nothing and so began work on this book.”
Enrique Prado’s book, Black Ops: The Life of a Shadow CIA Warrior, is written for the opposite purpose from Philip Agee. Prado says, “This book is my attempt to correct the misperceptions that make the Agency one of the least understood and most mistrusted institutions in America today. The reality we faced on the ground in places from Muslim Africa to East Asia, to our own streets here at home, is one of persistent threats that must be countered to keep our people safe.”
Prado’s memoirs were approved for publication by the CIA. They are self-laudatory and highly critical of restraints on the CIA. They confirm that while the ability to assassinate at will was temporarily restricted, CIA sabotage and paramilitary operations against other nations have continued nonstop.
Enrique (Ric) Prado’s father lost his business in the Cuban revolution and Ric came to the US as a youth in the early 60’s. He grew up in greater Miami. The Vietnam war was raging and his “dream was to go to Vietnam.”
After high school, Ric enlisted in the US Air Force and received training in rescue operations including parachute jumping and scuba diving. Prado’s dream was dashed because the Vietnam war was winding down and the US military downsizing.
Prado alludes to his involvement with Cuban American gangs and some troubled years. Then, starting with contract work, Prado began to perform assignments for the Central Intelligence Agency.
Prado and the Contras
Prado’s timing was late for Vietnam but just right for Central America. In 1979 the Sandinista revolution overthrew the Somoza dictatorship in Nicaragua. As a Spanish speaking Latino, Prado was not a typical Anglo American. He was recruited as a CIA officer responsible for overseeing the development of the Contra army based in Honduras and conducting cross border attacks on communities in Nicaragua.
He writes, “In these early days, there were only five CIA officers who interfaced directly with the Contras in Tegucigalpa; none were yet in the field.” There were “ten camps that lay scattered along the Honduran Nicaraguan border.” Ric Prado became the CIA officer responsible for going to the camps to coordinate support and conduct weapons training.
Prado admits the Contra leadership came from the corrupt Somoza regime: “Others who had been part of Somoza’s military …. formed the core leadership of the Contras.” Initially, Washington subcontracted the job of mobilizing the Contras to Argentinian military officers who had experience from their own dirty war and death squads. Prado is extremely critical of the Argentinian military trainers, calling them a “den of snakes” and “To a man, I found them to be useless parasites.” The Argentinian military trainers were supplanted by CIA personnel with Ric Prado playing a leading role overseeing Contra operations from Honduras and later in the “southern front” in Costa Rica.
The CIA is funded by Congress and acutely aware of their public image. Whether it is creating negative press for “enemies” such Nicaragua, Cuba or Russia, or creating positive press for itself, manipulating the media is an important part of their work. Prado talks about the political benefits of recruiting indigenous Miskitos to the Contras: “Miskitos were popular with several US political sectors. Among Native Americans and some prominent liberals, the Miskitos were considered to be the oppressed, indigenous forces untainted by association with Somoza. That political viability back in the States with elements often hostile to the Agency helped us enormously.”
The unofficial war on Nicaragua included attacks on infrastructure which echo today with the US sabotage of the Nordstream gas pipelines. Prado proudly documents their attack on the Puerto Cabezas pier and underwater gas pipeline. “The dock included an integrated fuel pipeline for faster transfer of oil from tankers. If we could destroy this…. we’d make a big statement by blowing up the key link between the Sandinistas and their communist allies …. We received exactly what we needed: a specialized underwater demolition charge that combined compactness with tremendous blast power….. the charge exploded … the blast was so large it destroyed the fuel pipeline.”
Prado documents the failed attempt to blow up a bridge at Corinto on the Pacific coast. For unknown reasons, Prado was re-assigned and left Honduras in March of 1984 after four years managing the Contras. He returns to the Contra campaign in the summer of 1986. They had safe houses and secret bases in ranches along the Nicaragua – Costa Rica border. It was more difficult because the Costa Rica government did not support the Contras as Honduras did.
Prado briefly describes the sensational events in October 1986 when a CIA plane dropping supplies and weapons to Contras was shot down. The pilot and two others on the flight died, but ex Marine Eugene Hasenfus survived and was captured. Unmentioned in the book, this was a sensational news event at the time. Beyond the drama of an American plane being shot down over Nicaragua and an American captured and taken prisoner, it revealed the CIA was violating the Congressional Boland Amendment prohibiting military support for overthrowing the Nicaragua government.
The Reagan administration denied responsibility. Elliot Abrams, the Assistant Secretary of State for InterAmerican Affairs said, “The flight in which Mr. Hasenfus took part was a private initiative … It was not organized, directed or financed by the U.S. Government.” The counter evidence was overwhelming and the CIA was caught red handed violating the Congressional resolution and then lying about it. This is unmentioned in the book. Instead, Prado criticizes Hasenfus for having personal identification papers in his possession.
In 1990, after ten years of terrorist attacks by the Contras combined with economic and political attacks from Washington, Nicaraguans cried “Uncle” and voted the Sandinistas out of power.
Prado says, “Our Contra program was a definitively successful black op carried out solely by key personnel from the CIA.” and “That Cuban kid who lost his native country to revolutionaries now helped cut off some of the communist tentacles that threatened to engulf Latin America.”
Prado believes the use of a proxy army to fight against a perceived enemy was an important victory and re-established the credibility of the CIA. He says, “The Contras resuscitated the post-Vietnam decimated CIA back to relevance.”
Prado is annoyed at negative media portrayals of the CIA Contra program. The movie American Made, depicting the story of an American pilot taking guns to the Contras and bringing cocaine back into the US, is especially annoying to Prado. He ignores the fact that tens of thousands of Nicaraguans died and cocaine inundated some US cities as a byproduct of the Contra program.
Prado believes they are the “good guys.” The International Court of Justice thought otherwise. In 1986 the court ruled the US attacks on Nicaragua were violations of international law. The Reagan administration and media largely ignored the ruling. Later, journalist Gary Webb documented the catastrophic social damage inside the US caused by the cheap cocaine flooding some US cities. Webb was attacked by establishment media. In 1998 the CIA Inspector General acknowledged, “There are instances where C.I.A. did not, in an expeditious or consistent fashion, cut off relationships with individuals supporting the contra program who were alleged to have engaged in drug-trafficking activity, or take action to resolve the allegations.”
The 2014 movie Kill the Messenger, based on the true and tragic story of Gary Webb, was undoubtedly another movie that irritated Rico Prado.
Justifying Terrorism and Sabotage
Prado’s justification for CIA crimes against other countries is US national security. He says “The spread of communism through Central and South America became a direct threat to the security of the United States.” He compares the war against “communism” to the WW2 fight against Nazi Germany. He says, “The Sandinistas quickly consolidated their power through Nazi-like pogrom and oppression.” Prado says that training the Contras was like “being an OSS officer trying to train and supply the French resistance to the Germans in WW2.”
The US deployed Nicaraguans, Afghans and extremist Arab recruits in proxy wars across the globe. Prado assesses this a great success: The Mujahedin in Afghanistan and Contras in Nicaragua “played crucial roles in the Cold War’s final act.”
Prado does not mention the fact that the Sandinistas were voted back into power in Nicaragua in 2006 after sixteen years of neoliberal rule. The country was in very poor shape with privatized education, little healthcare, and terrible infrastructure. Since being voted back, the Sandinistas have won increasing levels of support because they have substantially improved the lives of most Nicaraguans. As in the 19980’s, Nicaragua is on the US enemy list and western media portrayals are universally negative.
Continue reading here.